Chapter 65: Gain and Loss
The wheels of human civilization rolled relentlessly forward, and the tide of the era surged mightily. With the progress of science and technology, the footsteps of a grand era drew ever closer to this world.
Perhaps everyone was simply tired of fighting, or maybe God grew weary of watching war every day; suddenly, the world of 1897 became quiet.
Aside from France, where the flames of war still burned, Cuba, the Philippines, and Morocco all quieted down. The Kingdom of Spain, exhausted from constant conflict, could finally catch its breath.
This peace, however, was not solely won on the battlefield—more often, it was the result of compromise from all sides.
No matter how much the Kingdom of Spain had declined, it was not something that a few native tribes could rival. After a prolonged battle, the Rebel Army ultimately could not hold out.
The Spanish Kingdom, although victorious, did not have it easy either. With heavy casualties and towering debts, the Spanish Government no longer had the capacity to continue hunting down the Rebel Army, which had retreated from cities into the jungles.
Since no one could continue fighting, there was no choice but to sit down and negotiate. By means of numerous treaty compromises, the Kingdom of Spain finally quelled the colonial rebellion.
Clearly, this was not the end. Once hatred had taken root, it was not so easily eradicated.
Compromise was merely a temporary ceasefire; who knew when the flames of war might reignite in the future?
But for the beleaguered Spanish Government, now was not the time to concern themselves with the future. With the war's end, their troubles were just beginning.
Let alone the enormous debt that needed to be repaid; just the French Mercenaries they held in their hands were a hot potato.
According to the contract, these mercenaries should have been "repatriated to their country" now that the war was over. But with the French and Russians actively engaged in war, to whom should the Spanish Government hand over this "Elite force"?
Giving them to the Resistance Organization was definitely not an option. If they did so, the Russians would surely explode in fury and the entire Anti-French Alliance would hold grievances against Spain.
The Spanish Government wouldn't do something that was not only self-damaging but also masochistic.
Theoretically, as both Russia and Spain were members of the Anti-French Alliance, handing the mercenaries over to the Russians was not a problem.
The issue was that the Tsarist Government had conducted itself in an unscrupulous manner; to actually hand the mercenaries over to the Russians would be to throw them into the fire.
Though the Russians had indeed formed French Traitor Cannon fodder army units in France, they surely would not trust a formal French Army.
For any ruler, an elite force that cannot be controlled is only to be annihilated.
Given Mao Xiong's style, they would undoubtedly make a clean sweep and send the mercenaries to construct the Siberian Railway.
Regardless, the French Mercenaries had also contributed significantly to the Kingdom of Spain, and the Spanish Government could not simply betray them.
If sending them back was not appropriate, they would just have to be supported for the time being. However, the Spanish Government was not wealthy, and after the war's end, maintaining over two hundred thousand mercenaries was simply too wasteful.
…
Madrid
Concern etched on his face, Prime Minister Antonio asked, "How many people have we swayed?"
Maintaining mercenaries long-term was a waste of money, but spending on one's own military was a different matter altogether.
Having witnessed the combat strength of the French Mercenaries, Antonio realized his own military was not up to standard.
It was not that Spaniards had become poor fighters, rather, like the country itself, the military had become corrupt.
Reform was not something that could be achieved overnight. Before military reforms were complete, the Spanish Government still needed a force to be its face.
There was no need to reach the world's top levels, but it had to at least be capable of defeating colonial rebels and maintaining the stability of the Colonial Empire.
The mercenaries from France just happened to meet that requirement.
If it had been during France's powerful times, Antonio wouldn't have dared to harbor this thought. But now, things were different. After years of continuous warfare, France was like a phoenix plucked of its feathers.
Apart from the military which could fight somewhat, everything else paled in comparison to Spain, including the population.
While France's total population was currently slightly higher, its workforce of young, able-bodied people had decreased. If the current situation persisted, within a few years, Spain would surpass France in population total.
As the balance of power shifted, so too did confidence. With no risk of being supplanted, Antonio was preparing to undermine France's foundations.
Colonial Minister Taboyada spoke, "The progress is very good; the continuous wars have long wearied the French.
After we laid out our conditions, about one-fifth of the mercenaries are willing to immigrate with their families, and nearly another third are seriously considering it."
"Weary," of course, was partly due to the propaganda efforts of the Spanish Government. Not all mercenaries enjoyed war, and even if they did not think for themselves, they had to consider their families.
Only through experiencing war could they understand the true value of peace. Six years of warfare had already driven the French public to exasperation, though they had no authority to declare its end.
To escape the ravages of war, a large number of French each year dragged their families overseas to immigrate. Those with means bought boat tickets, while the penniless fled as refugees.
Spain, along with other countries bordering France, had duly received many of these refugees because of the antipathy Russia had shouldered. Compared to the enmity from European wars, these feelings were barely worth mentioning.
It was precisely because of accepting refugees that the Spanish Government had entertained the idea of keeping the mercenaries. Bring the entire family over, and there's no fear they wouldn't fall in line.
While not audacious enough to speak of millions, the Spanish Government dared to receive several hundred thousand migrants. After all, with continuous war, the gender ratio in France skewed, making assimilation easier.
Prime Minister Antonio nodded in satisfaction, "Very good, with these seeds planted, we can start mixing a few main army corps.
Let the Foreign Ministry take over the next steps. Negotiate swiftly with other countries to bring their families over.
As for those French who do not wish to immigrate, do not force them. If they want to go back, let them. However, once they are sent back to France, we will no longer be responsible for their safety."
Truly, the Spanish Government's integrity was no higher than elsewhere. Not wanting to hand the mercenaries over to Russians was because they desired to undercut them. As soon as they found them unusable, they did not hesitate to betray.
Antonio was not afraid that this would tarnish the international image. Indeed, the French Mercenaries had carried out commendable service, but the Spanish Government had also paid their wages.
After all, it was merely a straightforward labor contract; once paid, all accounts were settled.
As long as they didn't personally deliver the people to the hands of the Russians, it couldn't be called betrayal. Whatever happened after sending them back to France was no longer their concern.
Foreign Minister Ruenior: "Prime Minister, perhaps we could hand this mercenary force over to the Carlos Government. Even though they are now exiled, they remain the only legitimate government of France.
The mercenary contract was also signed with the Carlos Government. Returning the people to them now would be the perfect embodiment of our commitment to the spirit of the contract."
Ruenior wasn't going soft; mainly, he had just undermined someone's position, and the feelings of the new immigrants always needed consideration.
To pacify the public and not completely offend the Russians, handing the trouble over to the Carlos Government became the best choice.
As for the exiled Carlos Government, how they would clean up the mess was no concern of Spain.
After all, it was King Carlos himself who left, and the Russians had not expelled him; he could return to his country whenever he wished.
It seemed there would be no issue with him returning with an army, as after all, he was the legitimate King of France; Spain had no reason to stop him.
The Russian Army's arduous struggle in France was not without value.
The Siberian Railway had already been launched, and the Russian labor on the Central Asia Railway had been replaced with French labor, and the Russian populace was all hailing the "Tsar's wisdom".
This was a heartfelt sentiment; after all, they no longer had to serve as labor. The Tsar must be wise. As for the welfare of the French, what did that have to do with them?
However, the "wise" Nicholas II couldn't muster happiness at the moment. Even though his troops on the front had pleaded for help from the Allied Command a few months ago, losing him face, they were still his troops.
Besides, the loss of face was not for nothing. At the very least, the logistics of the frontline troops no longer required the Tsarist Government to dig into its pockets. This was of great importance to the already not-so-wealthy Tsarist Government.
As time passed, the casualty figures for the Russian Army kept swelling, causing Nicholas II's scalp to tingle.
Yet, the resistance of the French did not seem to weaken. According to the officers on the front, every French person in sight, whether man, woman, old or young, could potentially be a member of the guerrilla forces.
The more they fought, the more enemies appeared, enough to give anyone a tingle on the scalp. If not for someone else footing the bill for military expenses, the Tsarist Government would have long since wanted to back down.
Of course, their perseverance was also not unrelated to the fact that Nicholas II was the new Tsar. As the first war following his ascension, it would be quite damaging to his prestige if he didn't win convincingly.
Compared to the prestige of the Tsarist Monarch, the lives of mere gray beasts were deemed insignificant. On this issue, the upper echelons of the Tsarist Government were in firm agreement.
Nicholas II, dissatisfied, tossed aside the telegram in his hand and complained, "More reinforcements needed, what in the world are those idiots at the front doing!"
Casualties necessitated replenishment; the heavier the losses of the front-line Russian Army, the more replacements had to be provided from the rear.
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Unlike the penny-pinching with supplies, when it came to the replenishment of soldiers, the bureaucrats of the Tsarist Government rarely skimped.
Especially after the front-line had been rescued by the Allied Command, no one dared to mess with this issue. After all, no one could guarantee that those blockheads at the front wouldn't let the cat out of the bag.
This was the first war after the Tsar's accession; if Nicholas thought this was directed against himself, it would spell disaster.
Political struggles are one thing, but there must be limits. Forbidden taboos should never be touched, otherwise death in office was certain.
On this issue, Alexander II had given Russian bureaucrats a harsh lesson with a thousand heads, a lesson that still made everyone shudder.
Although Alexander III wasn't as tough, he had similarly dealt with many shortsighted individuals.
The current Tsar Nicholas II, although slightly lacking when it came to methods, had great aspirations. He publicly declared on many occasions his desire to emulate his great-grandfather, grandfather, and father.
Learning from Alexander III wasn't frightening, but to follow in the footsteps of the two preceding, decisively ruthless figures meant risking one's life.
Especially after the "Hedden Tragedy" erupted, everyone distinctly felt the Tsar's murderous aura intensify.
Just look at the fate of those bureaucrats who had pinched the front-line supplies; not only were their homes ransacked, but they were now digging potatoes in Siberia.
Supposedly, they had to dig a train carriage full of potatoes each and send them back to atone for their sins.
The Siberian Railway had just started, and its opening was still a long way off, obviously meaning those unlucky enough would likely not return.
Faced with an angry Tsar, no one wanted to be scolded. Others might pretend not to hear, but Sergei Witte, as Prime Minister, couldn't avoid it.
"Your Majesty," Witte said, "you can't blame the frontline officers entirely; they've given their all.
In the past six months, the frontline troops have sent back half a million laborers to the country, and that number is still gradually increasing.
The French Resistance Organization is backed by the British; it's normal for the struggle to take a bit longer."
Sergei Witte wasn't making excuses for the front-line troops. The intensified French resistance was spurred by the Tsarist Government's "conscription of strong men."
If the French hadn't been driven to desperation, they would not have resisted so fiercely—after all, people fear death, and those truly unafraid to sacrifice are always few and far between.
While politicians generally lack integrity, there is a knack to shifting blame. Scattering blame recklessly will eventually lead to universal desertion.
Domestic decrees had increased the pressure on the front-line troops, but to pin the blame on the officers commanding the front would be a foolish act not even Sergei Witte would commit.
As Prime Minister, one must shoulder responsibility. When it's time to bear the brunt, one must step forward.
One could see the effect; having spoken his piece, military representatives looked at Witte with much greater favor.
Nicholas II sneered coldly, mocking, "Is this taking just a bit longer, or a billion times longer?
If this drags on, the Central Asia Railway will be operational. Surely we can't wait for the Siberian Railway to open before they can extinguish the French Rebel Forces!"
Nicholas II didn't care about sending reinforcements. The Russian Empire was not short on cannon fodder, and someone else was paying for the war.
The key issue was the inability to quickly quell the French Rebel Forces, which was a blot on Nicholas II's reputation. The Tsar also needed comparisons, and compared to the preceding powerful rulers, Nicholas II's performance after his accession was not impressive.
Not only were the domestic populace making comparisons, but the international media also often used this as a joke. For the face-conscious Nicholas II, this was intolerable.
Sergei Witte hesitated, at a loss for words. When the French Resistance Organization could be extinguished was a question only God could answer.