Holy Roman Empire

The power of the French government far exceeded that of a few capitalists. With authorization from the French government, Ambassador Tom gained a significant boost in confidence.

In less than a month, he had secured the development rights for the Panama Canal from the Colombian government, at the cost of a mere batch of material aid, primarily military supplies.

The primary factor preventing Colombia’s internal armed factions from breaking into conflict was the fear of external pressure.

The main concern was that a civil war could provide an opportunity for foreign intervention, potentially leading to their re-colonization.

Colombia was particularly wary of Austria next door, whose Central American colonies alone posed a significant military threat to Colombia’s sovereignty.

Learning from the experiences of neighboring Central American countries, the Colombian government had become cautious about accepting European immigrants, fearing that their regime could be toppled from within.

With a relatively small population and a reluctance to accept large numbers of European immigrants, Colombia’s economic growth naturally remained slow.

Granting France the rights to develop the Panama Canal was not only a move for material aid but also a strategy to introduce French influence as a counterbalance to Austria.

However, this was a minor issue, as neither France nor Austria viewed Colombia as a significant player. Attempting to play the balancing game required an ability to manage it effectively, failure to do so could result in backlash.

If the Panama Canal were already operational, the potential for conflict between France and Austria over its benefits might indeed exist. Unfortunately, at this stage, the canal remained merely a plan on paper.

Neither nation would engage in conflict over hypothetical future benefits. Ultimately, the feasibility of constructing the canal depended on specific conditions. If the geological terrain proved unsuitable, failing to complete the canal would not be surprising.

Everyone was pragmatic. Planning for potential developments decades into the future was already considered highly forward-thinking.

Planning for a century into the future is pure fantasy. The world changes so rapidly, who can predict what will happen?

The price offered by the French was attractive, and the Austrian government refrained from intervening.

The establishment of the canal company proceeded smoothly, with Nino, the figurehead president, enthusiastically organizing teams to survey the terrain.

Meanwhile, at the headquarters of the Paris Canal Company, preparations for being publicly listed were already underway. With no survey report and no finalized design plan, the listing plan was the first to be rolled out.

This wasn’t a joke but a reality. When profits are at stake, procedures become secondary. Capitalists always find ways to bypass them.

Such schemes are not uncommon in the financial markets. As long as there’s money to be made, the success or failure of a project becomes irrelevant.

Nino, despite his role as the scapegoat, was somewhat competent. Otherwise, he wouldn’t have been chosen for the position. Looking at the investigation report in his hands, President Nino was starting to feel the headache.

The Isthmus of Panama lies within a tropical maritime climate zone, characterized by abundant rainfall and loose soil.

From a construction standpoint, loose soil might seem advantageous as it’s easier to excavate. However, for a canal project, it’s a disaster.

In President Nino’s view: Abundant rainfall + loose soil = landslides and siltation. This not only implied higher construction costs but also significantly increased operational costs in the future.

Additionally, the local jungles were teeming with poisonous insects, and diseases were a frequent occurrence, presenting further challenges to the canal’s construction.

As for casualties, President Nino was unbothered. With the Suez Canal as a precedent, he was fully aware that without the sacrifice of tens of thousands of lives, the Panama Canal would likely never be completed.

The Isthmus of Panama, though seemingly narrower at just 61 kilometers, only slightly more than a third of the Suez Canal’s length, was proving to be far more challenging to construct.

After conducting a preliminary assessment of the incomplete information at hand, Nino was reluctantly forced to arrive at the conclusion he least wanted to face.

Secretary Ralph reported gravely, “President, the embassy has just relayed a message: the Colombian government, citing a labor shortage, has refused to provide us with workers.”

Everyone knew that digging a canal came with heavy casualties. The death toll of tens of thousands of laborers during the construction of the Suez Canal was no secret among high-level officials.

The Colombian government was naturally aware of this. They had heard how Egypt fell into such a trap, plunging its population into misery and leaving the door open for the French to occupy the country.

Colombia, with its much smaller population, could not possibly provide the hundreds of thousands of workers required.

It was one thing to conscript indigenous labor, but if white workers were used, the uproar back home would likely start before the labor force was even gathered.

Nino furrowed his brow, “Get in touch with the embassy. Have them continue negotiating with the Colombian government. They must provide a batch of workers for emergency use, no matter what.

The board is working on sourcing cheap labor. Once we get past the initial phase of construction, we won’t need them anymore.”

There was no other way. In this era, the pitfalls were numerous, and investors were harder to deceive. Construction had to start as soon as possible to make it easier to attract funding.

A project on paper could never compare to one already in motion. The canal company’s stock prospectus had made lofty promises, and the board was pressuring Nino daily to start construction.

Secretary Ralph replied, “Yes, President.”

As Ralph was about to leave, Nino added, “Wait, make sure to report the survey data we’ve gathered so far to the board.

But remember, omit the part about potential disease outbreaks. Even local areas might experience outbreaks, but such notes aren’t something the shareholders would want to see.”

Without conducting a full cost analysis, Nino already knew the canal plan had far exceeded the original cost estimates. Thinking they could build a canal with just a third of the Suez Canal’s budget was nothing short of wishful thinking.

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Having finally become the head of this project, Nino wasn’t about to let the canal plan collapse. Missing this opportunity might mean he’d never get another chance to advance in his career.

The best course of action was to get the canal project underway. Once substantial funds had been invested, the capitalists would be too committed to back out and would be forced to push through, no matter the cost.

As for whether tricking his backers would bring trouble, Nino wasn’t concerned at all. The Panama Canal Company was planning to go public for funding, and these costs could easily be offloaded onto investors.

Mistakes in projects of this scale were normal. As long as the investors eventually saw substantial returns, none of it would matter.

Nino was highly confident in the Panama Canal project. Once the canal was operational, he believed the investment could be recouped within ten years.

And that was just the overt revenue. The hidden gains were likely to be several times higher than the transit fees. Such lucrative returns would be more than enough to appease disgruntled shareholders.

…

In London, Prime Minister Benjamin was distressed by the war report in front of him, already imagining what tomorrow’s newspapers would say.

The opposition would surely seize the opportunity to stir up trouble and undermine the government’s credibility.

That was how things always worked. When in power, politicians worked hard to implement their policies while gaining benefits for themselves; when out of power, they did everything they could to sabotage their rivals.

At the cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Benjamin tossed the telegram onto the table and stated, “This is a plea for help from that useless Ismael. The war has barely started, and we’ve already lost a fifth of our troops, including an entire regiment that’s been practically annihilated.

As for the reported victory? Absolutely remarkable! We supposedly annihilated 200,000 enemy troops.

I’d sooner believe the sun would rise in the west than take this report seriously. If they’ve truly destroyed 200,000 enemies, why are they requesting reinforcements? Does the enemy have millions of troops?”

Exaggerating battle results had long been a chronic issue for the British Army, especially after a defeat. To evade responsibility, they would inflate their achievements to an absurd degree.

But this time, they had gone too far. If they had reported defeating ten or twenty thousand, the British government might have accepted it. After all, exposing the truth would also bring criticism upon the government.

Following the principle of minimizing issues, such incidents were usually quietly covered up.

War Secretary Fox, looking visibly embarrassed, said, “Prime Minister, it’s possible the telegraph operator made an error and added an extra zero.

We’ve already verified the numbers. Our forces suffered 5,876 casualties, three-fourths of which were from the Indian colonial army. We eliminated 15,796 enemy soldiers. Rounded up, it’s close enough to 20,000.”

These figures were far more plausible. Losing over 5,000 troops while eliminating nearly three times that number could, at a stretch, be considered acceptable.